«In theory, everyone can take part in the debate on the future of humanity, but it’s not so easy to maintain a clear vision. Often, we don’t even realize a debate is taking place and are unaware of the key issues. Billions of us can hardly afford the luxury of investigating because we have more pressing things to do: going to work, taking care of our children, or looking after our elderly parents.»
These few sentences, taken from the introduction to Yuval Harari's book "21 Lessons for the 21st Century," aptly describe the African's position in the face of the digital revolution. The various reports produced by international bodies, exploring the state of famine, poverty, social inequality, and socio-political conflicts in Africa, demonstrate the existence of vital issues more urgent to address than focusing on self-driving cars or humanoid robots that might share our lives.
Nevertheless, at the heart of this hierarchy of African priorities, it would be wise to remember that the "unjust" course of the various disruptive revolutions in our humanity has never spared nations unprepared for its arrival. As an illustration, we can briefly mention two historical events that demonstrate the consequences of inadequate preparation in the face of disruptive innovations, whether socio-political or technological.
First fact: The surprising democracy
From 1789 to 1799, France underwent a socio-political upheaval that redefined its state structures and models of governance. From the opening of the Estates-General on May 5, 1789, to the coup of 18 Brumaire on November 9, 1799, this revolution bequeathed to France the proclamation of the equality of citizens, their liberties, and their sovereignty, granting them the ability to govern themselves through elected representatives: this was the birth of modern democracy. One hundred and sixty years later, in the midst of struggles for independence, several African countries were surprised by this legacy of the French Revolution and tried, desperately, to incorporate this model of democratic governance. We emphasize "desperately" and justify the use of this adverb by the high number of coups d'état recorded on African soil since the 1950s. The study by Americans Jonathan Powell and Clayton Thyne mentions 200 recorded coups d'état.
Second fact: The Facebook destabilizer
On February 4, 2004, the young Mark Zuckerberg launched the domain "thefacebook.com," which in less than 20 years would become the world's leading digital social network. The winds of this digital revolution, which began tentatively in a Harvard dorm room, did not spare Africa, located more than 14,000 km away. The year 2011 is the most significant date on this journey. It clearly demonstrates how a technology unforeseen by a government can profoundly transform its life. North Africa, through its experience of the Arab Spring, is a powerful example. Once considered a pastime for idle teenagers, Facebook provided the leaders and activists of the Arab Spring with a tool and a space to organize and coordinate their actions, ultimately leading to the overthrow of several North African governments. Hence the expression "Facebook Spring," used by several historians to describe this pivotal moment of the previous decade.
Towards a reproduction of the same lax practices?
Today, the world is witnessing a major new revolution rooted in the work of mathematician Alan Turing: artificial intelligence, or AI. The race to master it is primarily dominated by America, Asia, and Europe. Once again, Africa, the cradle of humanity, is struggling to join this leadership battle in a proactive manner.
It should be noted that the notion of power associated with artificial intelligence is no longer understood solely from the perspective of innovation, research, and development, but rather from the angle of ethical regulation. Daniel Fagella, in his article "AI Regulation as a Means to Power," highlights this idea through an analysis of the hegemonic battle between state powers (USA, China) and American corporate powers (MAGMA-Microsoft, Apple, Google Meta, Amazon), which base their power on innovation and the funding of AI research and development, and powers like Canada and France, which, lacking investment resources comparable to those of the aforementioned entities, balance this power dynamic with an offensive of ethical AI regulation. Unfortunately, even in terms of this ethical regulation, which establishes an alternative form of power to that of innovation, Africa seems to be conspicuously absent. We base our argument on a study published under the direction of Anna Jobin, entitled "Artificial Intelligence: The Global Landscape of Ethics Guideline." This study analyzes the points of convergence and divergence between various ethical principles and codes of conduct for artificial intelligence produced over the past five years. To do so, the authors used a database containing 84 ethical documents and reports.
After observing the geographical distribution of these productions, it appears that Africa is one of only two regions (along with South America) in the world that has not produced any reports, principles, or ethical codes guiding the development of artificial intelligence within its borders. This is regrettable for a continent that is increasingly becoming a market coveted by American and Chinese tech giants, firstly because of its large, young, and increasingly connected population, and secondly because of its numerous socio-economic and political challenges, which make it a natural and fertile ground for applying the solution-oriented ambitions of artificial intelligence.
It is therefore more than urgent, in the face of these conquest strategies, sometimes poaching, to define a real ethical shield that will protect African interests (1) and develop an ecosystem favorable to the innovation of socio-contextual AI solutions (2).
This is precisely the aim of our research program. In collaboration with our partners, we plan to establish interdisciplinary chairs (comprised of philosophers, sociologists, ethnologists, ethicists, computer scientists, etc.) within selected African universities. These chairs will offer an ethical and African perspective on artificial intelligence, rooted in our African cultural realities. Alongside their research, these chairs will also foster constructive dialogue with European, Chinese, American, and other institutions through international colloquia, academic exchanges, conferences, and other initiatives. Our goal is to create six chairs in Francophone Africa by 2030.
